Against a generalized quantifier analysis of certain quantity expressions in Ch’ol

This paper discusses a quantity word alternation in Ch’ol, Mayan language of southern Mexico. Drawing on fieldwork and additional texts, I show that numerals, pejtyel ‘all,’ oñ ‘many/much’ may appear with possessive morphology. present evidence against generalized quantifier analysis these expressions provide an where the possessed are adjuncts co-indexed null pronoun. also consider between its form, meaning ‘most’. While morphosyntactic distribution is similar, there certain semantic reasons to not treat ‘many’/‘most’ same way as ‘all’ numerals. suggest form corresponding ‘most’ has arisen via analogy other forms. conclude some observations words cross-linguistic implications study quantificational phrases.